Gentlemen May Cry...Comparing Federalists with Anti-Federalists

November 27, 2013 by Robert Broadus

In 2012, Citizens United created a Tea-Party-friendly film called, Our Sacred Honor, which detailed the period from the signing of the Declaration of Independence to the framing of our current Constitution in 1787. While better than most, because of its emphasis on moral virtue, this film presented the views of several of today’s right-wing pundits as truth, including the flawed propaganda that the Articles of Confederation failed “to define the relationship between the ‘federal’ government and the States—[that there was] no Presidency, no Executive Branch, no Judicial Branch—a unicameral, (that is a one-house) Congress with each state represented equally, and very little power given to that central authority.” As many of us have heard throughout our lives, the Articles of Confederation were too weak a form of government, and a new Constitution was needed that would create a stronger government with more centralized power. The film does present the fact that there were opponents to the 1787 Constitution, but only mentions George Mason as being one of them. Patrick Henry was probably one of the best-known Anti-Federalists, and his cry for Virginians to come to the aid of Massachusetts in 1775 is said to have been the driving force that enabled Americans to unite and win our War for Independence. He was paraphrasing the book of Jeremiah when he said,

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The American Right to Revolt Against Tyranny: Part C—Founders & John Locke

Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?--Patrick Henry

The Founding Fathers were in favor of the right to revolt against tyranny. This is obvious despite widespread current attempts by progressives to suggest armed revolt and the 2^ndAmendment would be opposed by the Founders today. But how logical would be the notion that Americans could own guns, but not use them to defend themselves?

Or that Americans could arm to defend their lives and liberties, but only against invaders—not against tyrants? Of course, such a position is transparent nonsense. In fact, the American Revolution itself is the most eloquent testimony illustrating the right to bear arms against government subjugation imaginable.

Consider the definition of Tyranny in Locke’s Second Treatise on Government:

BOOK II, CHAPTER 18: Of Tyranny

§  199. As usurpation is theexercise of power which another hath a right to, so tyranny is the exercise of power beyond right, which nobody can have a right to; and this is making use of the power any one has in his hands, not for the good of those who are under it, but for his own private, separate advantage. When the governor, however entitled, makes not the law, but his will, the rule, and his commands and actions are not directed to the preservation of the properties of his people, but the satisfaction of his own ambition, revenge, covetousness, or any other irregular passion.

The Founders certainly brooked no defense of tyranny. Obviously, they were brave enough to stand up to England and principled enough to create a democratic constitutional republic where there had been a kingdom. But have we in America lost our ability to oppose demagogues, bullies and tyrants?

CONTINIUED:  The American Right to Revolt Against Tyranny: Part C—Founders & John Locke

TPN—David DeGerolamo: Stand Up for Your Convictions - No Matter How You Are Labeled

If ever the Time should come, when vain & aspiring Men shall possess the highest Seats in Government, our Country will stand in Need of its experienced Patriots to prevent its Ruin. ~Samuel Adams.

The above premise accurately describes the government in Washington, DC. Power and greed have replaced honor and duty. Do we have experienced Patriots to prevent our ruin? Who would you classify as a statesman on the level of Patrick Henry or Thomas Paine? Who would you follow into harm's way in your own town or community to secure your children's freedom?

Like the thief in the night, our politicians have eroded our freedom by enslaving us in debt that can never be repaid. Half of "We the People" receive a government check for assistance and the "public sector" has become the engine for tyranny through excessive taxation, fear and regulation. The solution will not be found in the next election: the solution is an awakening in the people.


The final change in government has already happened. The 2008 election of Obama in conjunction with a Democrat controlled Congress through 2010 overthrew the last vestiges of our founding principles. The 2010 elections which resulted in a Republican majority in the House did little more than slow the march to Socialism:

1.We still have no budget
2.We still have national health care
3.Unemployment is still over 9% (another example of the government's lack of respect for the people by manipulating information)
4.Our debt ceiling raises were ceded to the executive branch by John Boehner in August
5.The NDAA destroyed the fabric of the Bill of Rights with the "blessings" of both parties
6.The president used the State of the Union to outline his vision for dictatorial powers in order to "streamline" government



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TPN: David DeGerolamo: Patrick Henry: Why Didn't Anyone Listen to our Most Passionate Proponent of Liberty?

On March 23, 1775, Patrick Henry delivered one of the most important speeches in our country's history.

Attending a meeting of the Second Virginia Convention at St. John's Church in Richmond, Henry intended to present a proposal to organize a militia in every Virginia county. The Convention met at St. John's Church rather than the Capitol in Williamsburg because of opposition from England's Royal Governor Lord Dunmore and his Royal Marines. Suspicious of the oppressive taxes and coercive policies of George III and fearful of the build-up of British forces in the colonies, Henry proposed raising independent militias "to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are threatened." Not everyone at the Church appeared to agree with him. At that point he rose, and with his wrists crossed like that of a slave, he delivered a speech so eloquent and so fiery and so ringing in defense of liberty that it has been recognized as the colonists' call for independence:

The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country.... Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.


I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

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